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hen
Chavit talked to media on October 3, 2000 after what he believed to be an
attempt on his life, he stirred up a hornet’s nest following his threat to
expose Erap’s anomalies.
The
political opposition, like a pack of K-9s, was quick to sniff a ticking bomb in
Chavit’s teaser. Members of Lakas-Kampi, whose standard bearer Erap thrashed in
the last election but whose coalition partner, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (GMA),
won as vice president and therefore the legal successor to the presidency in
the event Erap was booted out, lost no time to generate some noise.
Then
Senator Teofisto “Tito” Guingona, Jr., after he conferred with Chavit,
delivered a privilege speech on the Senate floor on October 5, 2000. Excerpts:
“I accuse Joseph
Ejercito Estrada, President of the Republic of the Philippines, for violating
his own oath of office to enforce the law, of violating the strict mandate of
the Constitution against conflict of interest because he prejudiced public
interest by purportedly releasing public funds for a public purpose when the
real intent was to siphon off a substantial portion for personal ends, of
violating the prohibition in the Constitution against participation in business
during his tenure as President. When he made arrangements to get money from
jueteng collections, the same was not only illegal participation in an illegal
business, it was also an enforced extraction in exchange for illegal protection
accorded jueteng operators.”
And
with that, Chavit and Tito had not only generated noise, but they also fueled
some excitement among the partisan crowd. Some sectors called for Erap’s
resignation right away. Others asked for a congressional investigation, which
the Blue-Ribbon Committee of the Senate promptly did. Still others mulled the
idea of impeaching the president.
But
not so fast.
Congressman
Joker Arroyo, allied with the political opposition then, was quoted as saying “the
impeachment proceedings against the President cannot prosper on the basis only
of a speech.”
The
gynes and the drones of the hornets quickly regrouped.
Erap’s
political allies sprang to action. On October 8, 2000, or a day before Chavit
held his press conference along with the start of the Senate’s Blue-Ribbon
Committee hearing as an offshoot of Tito Guingona’s speech, the Nationalist
People's Coalition (NPC), one of the three groups constituting the then ruling Lapian
ng Masang Pilipino (LAMP), published a declaration of support to the
President. Party leaders—namely Arnulfo Fuentebella, president, Faustino S. Dy
Jr., secretary general, Luis “Baby” Asistio, vice chairman of the Commission on
Appointments (CA); Gilberto Teodoro Jr., Edgardo R. Lara, Anthony Dequina, and
Leandro Jesus Madrona signed the manifesto.
Against
a whirl of Erap-bashing backdrop, including the one where Laquian quipped that
he was the only sober person at 4 am in Malacañang, the NPC declared, among
other things, that:
“We
shall do our utmost to resist any and all attempts to undermine the President's
leadership, thus we say: Sobriety must be the call of the hour.
“We
must be sober in all our actuations particularly at this time when the country
is facing a deepening economic crisis; when the Filipinos are still beset by
problems on peace and order; when the underprivileged sector of our community
yearn for the most basic government services; when the pace of development
requires a strong momentum; and when people must rally behind the national
leaders.”
Erap
supporter and Chair of beer and gin giant San Miguel Corporation Eduardo
“Danding” Cojuangco formed the NPC in the ‘90s when he ran (but lost) for
president.
Aside
from the NPC, the LAMP coalition also comprised the Laban ng Demokratikong
Pilipino (LDP), headed by then Agriculture Secretary Eduardo J. Angara, and
the PMP (Erap’s party).
On
the impending Senate investigation by Nene Pimentel’s Blue-Ribbon Committee,
“Senate President Pro Tempore Blas F. Ople reminded Guingona that he faces
stiff sanctions by the Senate if he cannot prove his charges against the Chief
Executive,” according to a Manila Bulletin report.
But
inspite of Erap’s drones, there was just no stopping people’s reactions to
Chavit’s revelations. As witnesses at the Senate committee investigating the
allegations exposed even more Erap’s blameworthy conduct, more and more people
demanded either his resignation or impeachment.
Erap,
however, denied the accusations against him. “I did not receive a single
centavo from illegal gambling or tobacco tax,” he said. He also complained that
“I have been convicted without a trial.”
Most
everybody else could complain because aside from the political mess that
threatened to engulf the nation, the economy likewise took a beating.
The
Associated Press reported in mid-October 2000 that “the accusations [leveled by
Chavit at Erap] already have had a devastating effect on the Philippines’
faltering economy… The peso plunged to a record low and the stock market
dropped to its lowest point in two years Monday. The central bank has had to
sharply raise interest rates, threatening growth in an economy that is already
one of the slowest in Southeast Asia… The ‘crisis of leadership’ has seriously
undermined investor confidence, the business groups said Tuesday, urging
Estrada to step down to avert economic disaster.”
On
October 17, 2000, an impeachment complaint against the president was filed with
the House of the Representatives and endorsed by 41 of its members. Erap was
being charged for “bribery, graft and corruption, betrayed the public trust and
culpably violated the constitution.”
At
least one-third of the members of the House of Representatives, or 73 out of
200+, would have to approve the complaint before it could be sent to the Senate
for trial.
Seeking its level
In
the succeeding days, a flurry of partisan grouping (and re-grouping —it always
does, anyway) redefined the Philippine political terrain. Shifts in allegiance
flowed freely from one power group to the other, like water seeking its own
level.
By
October 19, 2000, “multi-sectoral groups, including 160 congressmen, have
joined mounting support for President Estrada and urged him to ignore the
clamor by some quarters to resign due to his alleged links with the illegal jueteng operators in the country,”
according to a Manila Bulletin report.
“Among
those who threw their support were municipal mayors of the province of Laguna,
and various urban poor and indigenous groups,” the report further stated.
It
also quoted Malacañang as saying that “at least 160 congressmen, some of whom
are members of the Lakas opposition party, are filing a resolution expressing
strong support to President Estrada and denouncing moves to destabilize the
government… Earlier, the League of Provinces of the Philippines, the League of
Municipalities of the Philippines, the League of Barangays, and the Lawyers’
League for a Better Philippines had also aired their support for the
President.”
Erap
himself had acknowledged that support for him swelled not only from political
leaders but more importantly from the ranks of the Filipino masses—from whom he
owed his mandate, he said—in the midst of calls from various groups for him to
resign.
One
senator, Johnny Enrile, proposed a snap presidential election instead of an
impeachment trial for Erap. However, at least 11 fellow senators rejected
Enrile’s proposal.
In
the meantime, the Senate, through its Blue-Ribbon Committee, has conducted its
probe on Chavit’s exposè. The committee even mulled at one point inviting Erap
to its probe.
Nene
Pimentel, chair of the committee, suggested that he might “summon the President
to attend,” claiming that “it would be wise for the President to ‘confront
frontally’ Singson and his other accusers because it is ‘hurting the presidency
at its core’ and is putting his administration's legitimacy under serious
doubt.”
Malacañang,
however, did not feel like dancing to that beat. “It is not the way to treat
the head of a separate and independent branch of government,” Executive
Secretary Ronaldo “Ronnie” Zamora was quoted as saying. He further explained
that “a president cannot be compelled to attend a legislative investigation,
except when he voluntarily subjects himself to clear his name against any
misdeeds or misdemeanors.”
In
an earlier interview, media quoted Erap as saying that he was ready “to face
his critics ‘anytime’ and answer point by point all allegations of wrongdoing,
optimistic that he will eventually be cleared of charges filed against him.”
The
Senate investigation polarized the partisan blend of Philippine politics. While
the number of sectors calling for Erap’s resignation grew, the president’s
allies spewed fire in his defense.
An
October 20, 2000 report by the Manila Bulletin quoted several House of
Representatives members who slammed Erap’s critics. “The House leadership
yesterday rejected part of a ‘sinister propaganda ploy’ the allegations made by
opposition lawmakers that Malacañang dangled ‘pork barrel’ funds to LAMP solons
in exchange for loyalty to the President,” the report said.
It
also quoted then Rep. Joey Sarte Salceda (LAMP, Albay), a member of the House
economic think-tank, as lashing “at the Makati Business Club for drawing a
parallel between the economic situation today and in 1986 as a basis for
predicting the fall of the Estrada presidency.”
Quoting
Majority Leader Rep. Eduardo Gullas (LAMP, Cebu):
“President
Estrada has never attempted to influence any congressman to junk the
impeachment move initiated by 26 sectoral groups and endorsed by 42 solons in
the Lower House… Funding for projects endorsed by congressmen in their
respective district will be released at a time the Department of Budget
Management deems proper.”
The
report further stated that “he (Gullas) laughed off claims that LAMP lawmakers
have queued to the Palace to profess loyalty to President Estrada and get their
projects’ funding in return.”
At
the Senate, Chavit felt he and his fellow witnesses were being banged up by
Erap’s allies that he threatened to stop appearing before the Senators.
There
were those who felt the same. Then Catholic Bishops Conference of the
Philippines President Orlando Quevedo said: “I am aghast at the way Senate
hearings on the Singson expose are turning out. Listening and watching
honorable senators go after Gov. Chavit Singson, I wonder if they really want
to find the truth.”
Committee
Chair Nene Pimentel must have felt obliged to explain what was going on in the
investigation. He said: “Witnesses in the ongoing inquiry into the jueteng controversy involving President
Estrada should not be discouraged by the questioning or scrutiny of committee
members since their objectives is to establish the truth.”
That
might have been the case. But the CBCP head had to think aloud “that some
senators seemed more bent on destroying Singson’s credibility to protect the
President, rather than to know the depth and extent of his knowledge.”
Indeed,
Erap’s allies in the Senate would go down in history as, for being the
protector to the throne, the unwitting party that hastened its fall. And yet,
probably unknown to the Senators as these things were happening, more and more
people were making up their minds on the blameworthiness of the popular
president, despite the continued support being openly expressed by majority of
elective officials—from Senators to Mayors—which in turn emboldened Erap to
cling to his post. He even charged the political opposition of plotting to
overthrow him.
Earlier
that week, on October 18, 2000, some members of the minority (mostly LAKAS
members) in the House of Representatives, supported by non-governmental and
civil society organizations, filed an impeachment complaint against Erap for
bribery, graft, betrayal of public trust and culpable violation of the
Constitution.
Authored principally by
Representatives Heherson Alvarez and Ernesto Herrera of LAKAS, the complaint
charged, among other things, that Erap “directly or indirectly requested or
received for his personal benefit P130 million out of the P200 million released
by Budget Secretary Benjamin Diokno, as may be seen from the affidavit of
Ilocos Sur Gov. Luis C. Singson, last Sept. 25.”
Up
to this time, however, the ruling coalition—LAMP—still enjoyed an overwhelming
majority both in the House of Representatives and in the Senate. Only a few gave
the complainants a pragmatic chance of succeeding.
That
would quickly change in the next few days.
First,
then House Assistant Majority Leader Allan Peter Cayetano (LAMP,
Taguig-Pateros) resigned from the administration party. This brought to two the
number of key Erap allies who resigned from the ruling coalition. Three days
earlier, Senator Jun Magsaysay had left LAMP.
Second,
four House members belonging to the Liberal Party (LP) bolted the coalition and
openly advised their party mates to follow their lead and join the call for
Erap to resign.
With
the LP weaning its way out of LAMP, the number of congressmen that endorsed the
impeachment complaint increased from 41 to 54. The pro-impeachment House
members needed 19 more signatures to reach the magic number of 73 and send the
impeachment complaint to the Senate for trial.
By
October 23, 2000, House Speaker Manny Villar had endorsed the schedule of
hearings on the impeachment complaint to be conducted by the Committee on
Justice. In a move interpreted by some as a shift in position—a week earlier he
was one of key House members who expressed doubt if the filed impeachment
complaint would prosper—he wanted the Committee to take as much time as it
needed to promptly get its job done.
“As
this is an urgent matter, I will urge the committee on rules to allow all
concerned House committees to conduct sessions even during the forthcoming
Congressional recess,” Villar said.
In
the meantime, as the impeachment proponents continued to woo more House members
to their side, Justice Committee Chair Pacifico Fajardo (Lakas, Nueva Ecija)
said he would temporarily relinquish his post to Neptali Gonzalez II (LAMP,
Mandaluyong), the then senior Vice Chair of the Committee, citing as reason his
being a relative of GMA, the Vice President.
GMA,
by this time, had added her voice to the increasingly boisterous sounding calls
for Erap to resign. Although she had already resigned from her cabinet post a
week earlier, she at the time refused to be publicly associated with the
Erap-resign pressure groups, saying it was “unseemly for her to do so because
she was the next in line of succession.”
Playing pork ball
Two
weeks after Chavit’s exposé, the political opposition had already boasted that
Erap’s impeachment trial was imminent. Heherson Alvarez (LAKAS, Cagayan) said
then that the minority bloc had gathered pledges of support from the majority
members in numbers that were enough for the impeachment complaint to breeze
through the House.
But
while the opposition could hype it up; the administration could rein them in.
Newshounds spotted Congress people having all sorts of “chance” meetings with
Erap in Malacañang—in droves.
The
second half of October 2000 saw the House of Representatives morphed into a
veritable market site. The seller: House members. The buyer: Malacañang. The
tender tool: congressional discretionary funds, also known as—and derisively
called—pork barrel.
Reports
had it that Erap dangled the immediate release of pork barrel funds to the
House Justice Committee members hearing the impeachment complaint—on condition
that the complaint would be shot down at their level.
Part
of the funds was supposed to have been released at least three months earlier.
House
opposition members had earlier criticized Pacifico Fajardo, the Justice
Committee Chair, for what they perceived as foot dragging on his part insofar
as hearing the complaint by his committee was concerned. The Justice Committee
had set the initial hearing of the impeachment complaint on November 6, 2000.
Fajardo said in a media
conference that at least 3 administration colleagues had earlier urged him to
dump the complaint for being insufficient in form. He also said he yielded to
pressure to reject suggestions that public hearings to be conducted by his committee
be set earlier than November 6.
Just
the same, some House members—supposedly including allies of Erap—felt it was
time to decide.
By
October 26, 2000, Fajardo was gone. But not for good, he pledged. “I will
reclaim the Chairmanship when the committee is done with the impeachment
complaint,” he was reported to have assured his allies in the House.
Reports said that Fajardo, a
third-degree cousin of Gloria Arroyo, could not withstand the pressure—which by
now intensified by the day—from fellow House members to inhibit from his post.
The
next day, just as Neptali Gonzales took the post which Fajardo vacated, the
House asked the Senate through a resolution to halt its own investigation on
the Chavit exposé being conducted by the Blue-Ribbon Committee.
“It
is the sense of the House of Representatives that until the report of the
committee on justice is presented to and
voted upon in plenary session, even if the air is already thick with rumors of
every kind as to the veracity of the
charges against President Joseph Ejercito Estrada, nobody but the
members of the said committee know anything about the progress of the investigation, and all
reports, analysis, comments or theories in regard to the said cases of
impeachment are wholly groundless except those that shall be made from time to
time by the members duly designated by the committee,” part of the House
resolution said.
The Dacer-Corbito murders
At
about this time—the third week of October 2000—Rep. Anthony Dequina (LAMP, North Cotabato) tried
to create some noise by saying that “a group composed of businessmen closely
identified with two previous administrations has employed the services of a top
PR man.”
The innuendo seemed to suggest
that a misinformation campaign was being waged by people not sympathetic to the
Erap administration to further destabilize his rule.
Like
vultures to a carcass, the business of managing information (and
misinformation) sprang to life, just as the smell of an ailing socio-political
order assailed the general public’s nostrils. Such was how the craft of public
relations could be important; such was how it commanded value.
In
a world of shifting loyalties, this day belonged to the PR men and women.
PR
practitioners—along with their colleagues in media—competed for airtime, for
people’s attention, and for how their messages resonated. It would be by the
persuasive power of those messages that the world took various shapes in
people’s eyes. People either favored or ditched one view over the other. They
took sides. A public perception survey conducted by the Social Weather Stations
noted the drop in Erap’s popularity from 68 percent on October 6, 2000, to 56
percent on October 30, 2000.
In
times of peril, the swing of political mood could make or unmake
principalities.
Chavit’s
exposé—only three weeks old—has pushed the country’s highest official to a
corner. Presidential silence was all Erap could put up by way of a defense. Or
was it? Was he or his supporters hard at work in trying to silence other
people? Could have they been busy doing something else?
As
allies scrambled for words in the escalating media war and tried to remake
Erap’s bruised image, as people protesting on the streets grew in number, as
the nation’s engulfing political drama unraveled its tragic complexities—with
lots of sub-plots unnoticed even by the nosiest of kibitzers—one of those
sub-plots ended with the death of two men. It also had morbid consequences for
people believed to have witnessed, or at least had some knowledge of, the
crime.
A month after Dequina issued his
alert notice, Salvador “Bubby” Dacer, recognized for his eminent spot in the
field of public relations, along with Emmanuel Corbito, his driver, disappeared
and later found charred to death in Cavite.
Later reports showed that PAOCTF
operatives had been tailing Dacer since January 2000.
In the years that followed, Erap
and Ping would accuse each other of being responsible for the murder of Dacer
and Corbito.
And as a further indictment of
the collective soul of this nation, the double-murder case, as this is written,
remains unsolved.
Witnesses and those suspected of
having participated in the commission of the crime were later abducted by yet
unknown armed persons and under yet unexplained circumstances. Teofilo Viña,
one of the suspects, was killed in January 2002.
Gloria
in takeover mode
While Erap and his troops
maintained what seemed to be a façade of composure in the middle of a storm,
their panicky minds were showing.
Erap in public endorsed the
constitutional process of impeach-ment to take its course. But Erap in private
was shown by his House allies as frantically courting them to nip it in the
bud, so to speak. Also, some of his influential allies in the Senate presented
the public with a plateful of finger foods—perhaps inspired by tactics of the
squid fleeing for life.
Samples: Senator Johnny Enrile
proposed a snap election. That was one. Senator Kit Tatad proposed power
sharing between the ruling and opposition parties. That was another.
GMA spat at the proposals like
she accidentally stepped on carabao dung. Did she know of something sweet? How
sure was she that the gates to Malacañang loomed large in her vision, courtesy
of the impeachment process?
On October 28, 2000, haranguing
from Cebu City, she offered the nation an alliance that was groomed to present
an alternative national agenda for economic and political reforms.
She had in mind the likes of the
Lakas-NUCD-UMDP-Kampi, the Reporma of former Defense Secretary Renato de Villa,
the Promdi of ex-Cebu Gov. Lito Osmeña, and the Partido Demokratiko Sosyalista
ng Pilipinas as constituting the core of the alliance.
With the country’s political
wounds threatening to contaminate the entire nation, likewise came what seemed
to be an irreversible decline of the ailing economy. The first day of November
2000 broke in with an alarming statement from the Central Bank governor, saying
that a recession looked imminent. Indeed, the vital signs were bleak:
skyrocketing inflation, foreign fund inflows have dried up, the stock market
was in shambles, and there seemed no stopping to the downward spiral of the
value of the peso.
And yet the problem was basically
political, charged Erap’s critics. The minute he resigned, order in the economy
will be restored.
GMA, the economist, was ready to
take over. Erap smirked and declared he would finish his term.
Erap
hit by resignations of his men
Key members of Erap’s economic
team resigned in early November 2000. They included Trade Secretary Mar Roxas
and four of five members of the Council of Senior Economic Advisers. In the
House of Representatives, Ralph Recto, Economic Affairs Committee chairman,
also resigned.
Erap asked them to reconsider. “I
appeal to their sense of patriotism,” he said. He also proposed to submit
himself to a referendum “to let the people decide whether I should stay as
president or not.”
The economic team tried to
contain what appeared to be a free-falling peso and stock markets. Now, with
key economic managers gone, how were Erap’s publics (including the believers)
going to make out of the badly bruised economy?
Up to this point, the president
has not responded to Chavit’s allegations except to profess his innocence. On
November 3, 2000, as reports of more congressmen bolting the ruling coalition
to sign the impeachment complaint broke out, he went a little farther with the
referendum pitch.
Political analysts thought that
Erap stood to lose more allies as more street protests—initiated by the Roman
Catholic Church and some business leaders—loomed in the coming days.
And as the countdown for the
start of impeachment hearings inched closer to 4 days, there just was no
denying the build-up of pressure on the president.
Erap continued to project
strength and stability, nevertheless. He assured his countrymen: “I will bring
my case not only to the Senate, but also before the bar of public opinion. I
will prove my innocence not only in the Senate, but also before our people.”
He also maintained—no matter how
shaky—a grip of majority of live bodies in Congress. Thomas
Fuller in that November 3, 2000 report said that “… Opposition politicians
are trying to impeach Mr. Estrada in proceedings that will start Monday. But
barring mass defections to their side, the current political math does not work
in their favor. Mr. Estrada's coalition controls more than 80 percent of seats
in the 218-member House of Representatives and has a comfortable majority in
the Senate. The opposition says it has collected more than 50 votes in the
house so far, but they need more than double that to put Mr. Estrada on trial before the Senate…”
By Saturday, November 4, hundreds
of thousands showed up on the streets, particularly along or near the EDSA
Shrine. This was the same site of “People Power” in 1986, when street protests
drove President Ferdinand Marcos out of Malacañang. As in 1986, the Shrine
reminded one and all the hand of the Roman Catholic Church in mounting such
protest actions.
Weighing in among protesters with
raucous chants of “Erap Resign! Erap Resign!” were two former presidents, Cory
Aquino and Eddie Ramos, the Archbishop of Manila, the late Cardinal Jaime Sin,
and business leaders Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala and Manuel Pangilinan.
In front of thousands, Cory
addressed Erap: “'Mr. President, you are the cause of our hardships, you are
the problem… Even the best actor knows when to take his final bow. History may
treat you better if you go peacefully and go now.”
Cardinal Sin, whose role in 1986
had been widely acknowledged, said Mr. Estrada should resign to “save his
soul.”
From the podiums to the pulpit,
the bashing picked up momentum. But Erap stood his ground. “No amount of
rallies can make me resign. It's just like in the movies. The hero gets beaten
up in the beginning but still wins in the end.” He said this with a PR
blitz—handing out relief goods to typhoon victims in sub-urban Metro Manila.
All things considered, it must
have been a grueling round for Erap, like a beaten prizefighter who kept
getting up out of instinct. And yet more blows were lobbed in his direction.
Another flurry of defections hit his ruling coalition.
Erap, this time, lost not just an
ordinary bunch of deserters. He lost the support of the leaders of both houses
of Congress, namely the House Speaker and Senate President.
Crude estimates put Erap’s
new-found foes, or fair-weather friends, that are of consequence (from the
standpoint of voting for or against the complaint) at a hundred, more or less.
The count far exceeded the minimum number of House members required to elevate
the impeachment complaint to the Senate for trial. Of this number, around 50
had endorsed (with their signatures) the complaint. Analysts also hinted that
13—at most 14—senators were leaning towards conviction. The Senate would need
at least 15 of its members to unseat the president through an impeachment
proceeding.
The political horizon at the
Palace was everything but bright. The future of Erap’s reign looked bleak.
House Speaker Manny Villar said
“he would back an impeachment complaint against the president in the House.”
He explained further:
“Every day, the economy is
becoming grave. Every day, the political crisis is becoming worse. Every day,
Filipinos are becoming deeply polarized.
“So we have to resolve this soon.
With this, we will now be able to send the impeachment to the Senate.”
On the other hand, Frank Drilon,
the Senate President, suggested that Erap should resign to free the people from
more economic and political woes. “We should spare (them) needless suffering,”
he said.
Frank also wrote an article
published by the Manila Bulletin. Part of it said:
“The progress and development of
our nation is being compromised by the continuing political instability… The
resolution of this political crisis at the shortest possible time is essential.
Various quarters and sectors of our society have already spoken to demand the
resignation of the President and the immediate turn-over of the presidency to
the Vice President, his constitutional successor. A positive response to this
call would have provided the salutary effect of immediately resolving the
political uncertainty, thus allowing all of us to focus on arresting the
continued downturn of the economy. The President, however, refuses to heed this
call… Let me add my voice to those who have called for the President’s
resignation.”
The
Committee gives in, Erap digs in
The House Justice Committee ruled
on November 6, 2000 that the impeachment complaint merited consideration by the
entire House. The parliamentary language called it “sufficient in form and in
substance.” A total of 99 members had endorsed it, and the impeachment of the
President—a first in Philippine history—loomed. From being defiant a couple of
weeks earlier, to being reluctant a week ago, the Justice Committee finally
gave in to pressure to work on the complaint.
Political commentators were quick
to predict that Erap being tried by the Senate was now inevitable.
Just as quickly, the stock market
and the peso bounced up, like a dead cat coming to life. In a single day of
trading, the stock market index jumped by 16 percent. Reports said it was a
record. The peso, on the other hand, upped its value by 6 percent relative to
the dollar—also a record under these conditions.
People looked ahead and gambled
in what they saw. Such was a dramatic show of trust in speculation. They must
have anticipated of good things coming in with Erap going out.
But those hoping for an easy Erap
exit—that is, by resignation—were in for a long night. Earlier in the day, news
reports had it that negotiations for his graceful exit were underway. He denied
them. In a statement read to the media, he said:
“I am not negotiating for any
deals and have no intention of doing so to avoid confronting the accusations
against me. I declare my steadfast commitment to defend my innocence against my
accusers in the proper venue of our constitutional processes.”
With the Justice Committee’s
endorsement, the House in plenary braced itself for a decision that would seal
the fate of a president. The get-go of deliberations was set for Monday,
November 13.
And just as his opponents thought
Erap was ready to go, they found him unmoved. Rather than resign, he went on to
assemble a power-packed battery of defense lawyers. His defense team included a
former Supreme Court Chief Justice and a former Department of Justice
Secretary.
Growled Erap: “I never think of
resigning. Never, never, never.”
The wagers at the bourses crashed
back to earth. The stock market index dropped 2.26 percent. It already went on
a slide by more than 6 percent a day earlier. The peso? Well, it fell from 48
to 50 to a dollar—all in 24 hours.
In an interview, Ricardo Puno,
the Press Secretary and presidential spokesman, said: “The president will fight
this out. He will not cave in to the small minority of opponents who want him
to leave.”
Erap and his advisers had
assumably found solace in a late October 2000 survey that indicated more
people, contrary to what the rallyists seemed to project, were on his side. In
that survey, only 20 percent of respondents believed that charges against him
were true. It also found that 44 percent did not want him removed from office.
Close to the same number of respondents had yet to make up their minds.
On Bob Edwards’ NPR Morning
Edition show, reporter Eric Weiner said: “For now, Estrada can still count on
the support of the Philippine's largest constituency, the poor.”
The show also aired a clip of an
interview with Andy Ubeena, a slum dweller. He said: “Si Presidente Estrada pumupunta sa squatters’ area. Nakita nya kung
papano kami kumain, kung papano kami mabuhay. Wala pang president ang gumagawa
ng ganoon.” (President Estrada has gone to the slums. He has gone to see
how we eat, how we live. No other president has done that.)
As Monday (November 13) drew
closer, Erap’s allies in the House (who still constituted the majority) moved
for a change in leadership. After all, Speaker Manny Villar did not belong to
the ruling bloc anymore. The same leadership challenge was being mounted in the
Senate. Senate President Drilon has not only bolted the ruling party, he also
had been vocal in calling for Erap’s resignation.
The maneuver for control of both
houses of Congress, along with the expected lengthy legal processes that a
trial of this magnitude would be invoked, hardly favored those who hoped for an
early resolution of the issue. The Senate also had to cram for its own rules as
an impeachment court.
All told, the entire impeachment
process could take months to finish, and the Erap broadside risked losing
momentum as it dragged on.
“The calendar is their worst
enemy,” remarked Sen. Mariam Santiago, an Erap diehard.
Santiago was quoted as further
saying that “Estrada likely will attempt to sway senators with a host of
inducements. There’s a lot of deals being struck.”
At about this time, Erap for the
first time admitted that his lawyer (who would show up in the Sandiganbayan case as Edward Serapio)
had accepted 200 million pesos ($5 million) from Chavit. But, Erap said in a
press briefing with foreign journalists, he “did not accept a single cent of
any of those 200 million pesos. It didn’t pass through my hands. I knew about
it only much later on.”
The money, Erap said, went to the
account of the Erap Muslim Youth Foundation. At about this time, George L. Co,
chairman of the Equitable-PCI Bank, resigned as Treasurer and Trustee of that
Foundation.
Erap was in the mood to make war.
He dug in. By now it had been of note among observers that swing votes in the
Senate could seal the outcome of the impeachment trial.
He who did not woo the fence
sitters be damned. Ronald Llamas, president of party-list organization Akbayan,
peddled the rumor that “some senators are being offered 100 million (pesos) for
an acquittal or even just an abstention.”
It did not mean such shameless
bribes could come solely from Erap’s camp. “As in electoral contests, both
sides are expected to provide inducements. Some of these senators will end up
becoming filthy rich or powerful,” Llamas offered an expert guess.
Political careers were also on
the line. Local elections were up in 6 months and “nobody really wants to be
seen as a rat fleeing a sinking ship,” Llamas went on.
Another source from Malacañang
shared similar lines of thought: “Senators and congressmen will all be weathervanes.
They’ll go where the wind blows. Nobody wants to be unpopular. These are
politicians.”
And wooed the politicians Erap
did. On November 10, he presided over the mass oath-taking ceremony of more
than 600 city mayors and municipal mayors at the Club Filipino in his home turf
of San Juan, Metro Manila.
It was not only an occasion for
the local officials to be photographed as new recruits of Erap’s Partido ng
Masang Pilipino, it was also an opportunity for the beleaguered president
to project the notion that the minority of national population that called for
his resignation had it all wrong.
It was time for the silent
majority to speak up:
“The oust-Erap elements clearly
betray and totally disregard the will of the people,” the local officials
declared through a resolution.
Palawan Mayor Edward S. Hagedorn:
“The voice of the Filipinos in the provinces has been completely disregarded by
a group of few Filipinos.”
Manila Mayor Lito Atienza
counseled the anti-Erap elements to support the Constitution. “They are pitting
the economy versus the truth,” he said.
The next day, November 11 (a
Saturday), Erap led at the Luneta what organizers called “National Day of
Prayer.” Tagged as an ecumenical rite, the intercessors sought unity and
strength for the nation.
It was also seen as a massive
show of support for Erap. Media reported that more than a million rallyists
were in attendance. In the game of street rallies and ballyhoo, Erap went
number for number, decibel for decibel. He grabbed the lead that day.
Erap came out swinging the next
day. “My term as President ends in June 2004. I do not plan to leave earlier.
So my opponents should not be in such a hurry,” he assured his listeners in
Batac, Ilocos Norte.
Erap’s Cabinet members who opted
not to abandon him could not be outdone. Putting up a bold front, they issued a
press release, vowing to stand by their boss come hell or high water,
unless—they qualified (as if this was necessary)—he was found guilty by the
Impeachment Court.
House
in a storm
Monday, November 13, was as
eventful as it could get.
All eyes were fixed on the House
of Representatives in Quezon City. Outside of its premises, anti- and pro-Erap
rallyists got entangled in a fracas that would be contained only by the
intervention of policemen.
Inside the session hall, sights
of honorable men dumping decorum turned from ugly to nasty.
Something novel in the way Manny
Villar conducted the day’s business made some of his colleagues to bristle.
By practice, every session by
Congress begins with a prayer. Nothing was different today. At 4:00 p.m., Manny
banged the gavel to open the session. An aide hoisted the mace and planted it
into its base—the symbol of the House at work.
The Speaker himself led the
prayer. It was the first time he’d done so as Speaker.
“Lord God,” he said, “I ask that
the House be endowed with "the strength and enlightenment in going through
the virulent fires of crisis and emerge victorious underneath God's banners…
grant the House with strength to withstand the temptation of money and power,
reject pressures of friends and family, to discern right from wrong in as clear
a manner as distinguishing light from dark… I ask that we rise above selfish
and partisan interests so that we may always at tune our individual and
collective efforts to what is good for all… with hopes that the legislators be
looked upon kindly by history, for this moment is a turning point in our lives…
the nation faces a great crisis of leadership reflecting an erosion of the
people's confidence in government, of a
crisis of political confidence rending brother Filipinos against brother
Filipinos, of economic confidence
threatening to make the poor even poorer, and a crisis of social
confidence testing the strength of our democratic institutions… the nation more than ever, is
at the crossroads between peace and chaos but the power of choice was in the
legislators’ hands… that future generations would remember the House as the
chamber where truth and justice reigned supreme, and walked without any equal,
and went through conversion. In the virulent fire of crisis, the House emerged
victorious under the Almighty’s banner.”
But what was different today was
that he did not stop with the divine invocation. He went on to read the
majority-backed resolution adopting the Justice Committee report and
transmitting the Articles of Impeachment to the Senate for trial.
“Mr. Speaker!” Northern Samar
Representative Harlin Abayon yelled at the microphone. “Mr. Speaker, I would
like to raise a point of order, Mr. Speaker!” His voice was lost in the loud boos
from the crowd. He tried to interrupt the Speaker twice. He failed—also twice.
Manny Villar rumbled on. When he
was done after three minutes, the gallery erupted in jubilation. Applause and
chants of “Estrada Resign” echoed throughout the otherwise somber session hall.
Almost everybody expected that
the committee report would go through a vote and, of course, debates, in
plenary session. Villar would have none of that. He would even forego with the
standard roll call.
“What the speaker did was clearly
illegal. It was simply anarchy and mob rule,” Camarines Sur Rep. Arnulfo
Fuentebella said.
Maguindanao Representative
Didagen Dilangalen threatened to nullify the proceedings by filing a case with
the Supreme Court. “I am very ashamed of what happened here, he said. In his
view, the Villar blitz was “a violation of the constitution and of the rules of
the House.”
But Manny Villar asserted that a
vote was superfluous. Part of his concluding statements explained his action:
“Since the Constitution mandates
that when at least 1/3 of all members of the House files a verified complaint
or a resolution of impeachment, the same shall constitute the Articles of
Impeachment, the duty of the House becomes peremptory and ministerial to
endorse it to the Senate for trial in the same manner as an approved bill.”
“Accordingly, the (House)
secretary general is directed to immediately transmit to the Senate the
impeachment complaint constituting the Articles of Impeachment together with
the verified resolutions of endorsement.”
In
summary, the Articles of Impeachment against Erap charged that the respondent—
1) Committed bribery— “from November 1998 to August 2000,
respondent has received P10 million a
month as bribe money from jueteng lords as protection money channeled
through Luis C. Singson, Provincial Governor of Ilocos Sur as may be seen from
his affidavit dated Sept. 14, 2000.”
2) Committed graft and corrupt practices— “President Estrada
violated the Constitution and stands guilty of graft and corruption when he
directly or indirectly requested or received for his personal benefit P130
million out of the P200 million released by Secretary Benjamin Diokno of the
Department of Budget and Management allocated under R.A. 7171 in violation of
Section 3[c] of R.A. 3019, as may be seen from the affidavit of Luis C.
Singson. Provincial Governor of Ilocos Sur, dated Sept. 25, 2000.”
3) Betrayed the public trust— “President Joseph E. Estrada
betrayed public trust and violated his own oath of office when he unduly
intervened in the Securities and Exchange Commission on behalf of a
presidential crony.
“He appointed more than a hundred kumpadres
and kaibigans as presidential assistants/ consultants, extended
franchises and favors.
“President Estrada betrayed the public
trust and his oath of office when he disobeyed the strict mandate of the Constitution
that he sternly avoid conflict of interest in the conduct of his office.
4) Culpably violated the Constitution— “President Estrada
violated the law and his own oath of office when he ordered the retrieval of
luxury cars, sardines and clothing.
“President Estrada willfully violated the
Constitution when he appointed certain members of his cabinet, their deputies
or assistants to another office or employment in direct contravention of
Section 13, Article VII of the Constitution.”
At 4:15 p.m., the Speaker banged
the gavel again. He sued for recess.
When session resumed at 6:45
p.m., more mess marred the proceedings. Pro- and anti-Erap solons clashed
verbally every time a point was raised. The partisan crowd at the gallery
either cheered on or booed whoever had the floor.
On the agenda was selection of
the 11-member panel that would prosecute Erap at the Senate trial.
San Juan Representative Jose
Marie Gonzales was so disappointed with how decorum was being maintained inside
the session hall that he tried to snatch the mace, but was prevented by Bayani
Fabic, the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives. In the scuffle he
hit Bayani, but the latter, a retired Marines General, did not hit back.
Session was suspended and was in
recess for two hours. When session resumed, the 11-man-woman panel of
prosecutors was finally constituted.
Then another recess.
Erap’s allies could not help but
berate the crowd for being rowdy, and the Speaker for not being able to impose
discipline among the spectators.
Some 20 minutes past 7:00 p.m.,
Deputy Speaker for Mindanao Daisy Avance Fuentes went up the Speaker’s podium
and banged the gavel. “Session is resumed,” she declared. She apparently had no
authority to preside at that instance.
Alfredo Abueg, Palawan
Representative and Deputy Speaker for Luzon, directed Fuentes to dismount from
the podium and for the mace to be removed.
When session resumed some half an
hour later, the House elected, after an often-heated exchange of words among
its members, a new speaker. Arnulfo Fuentebella replaced Villar.
Earlier
at the Senate, its members, by a vote of 13-6, elected Nene Pimentel as their
new president, replacing Frank Drilon.
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